10.11.2013

Video Journalist in Indonesia: Need first, technology later

Introduction

Video journalist (VJ) has been part of television journalism industry in Indonesia for about the last fifteen years. Introduced in the midst of 1990s, VJ has started to become more popular since the early 2000. I have found out that it coincided with the coming of five new commercial TV stations in Indonesian television industry: Metro TV, Trans TV, TV 7 (now Trans 7), Global TV, and Lativi (now TV One). The era was coined as “the second wave of commercial TV stations” (Hendriyani et al., 2011). Since then, Indonesia has had ten national commercial TV stations. The other five TV stations were established during “the first wave of Commercial TV stations” in the late 1980s to the early 1990s, they are: Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia (RCTI), Surya Citra Televisi (SCTV), Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia (TPI – now MNC TV), Andalas Televisi (ANTV), and Indosiar (Hendriyani et al., 2011). As the number of players has increased, so has the competition. 

In this essay, I argue that VJ is the fruit of the intensified competition within the Indonesian TV news industry.  Furthermore, economical aspect was the main reason behind it. Thus, I argue that technology is not the determinant factor in changing journalism practice. In the VJ context, as the example in this essay, the basis of the change is very broad. Not only economically influenced, VJ is also the fruit of a dynamic interaction between social, cultural, and political aspects in Indonesia. However, in this essay, I point out that technology still plays its role as the facilitator of the change. To elucidate it, I focus my essay by examining the emergence of VJ in Indonesia, mainly, from its historical perspective.

Methodology

To write this essay, I have interviewed six persons (by phone and email) who have been part and/or the witness of the emergence of VJ in Indonesia. Two of the interviewees are senior journalists who have reached vice editor-in-chief position in national and international TV stations in Indonesia. And the other four interviewees have worked as video journalist and reached medium rank journalist with the level of (minimum) news producers. This essay is also based on my personal observation during my three year experience working as a video journalist from January 2006 to January 2009, particularly, during the Gaza War in early 2009. I rely mostly from the interviews, my experience and my own observation as there are not any reliable literatures about this topic.

Discussion

What is VJ?

VJ is a television journalist who produces news single handedly. He is the camera person, the reporter, the narrator, and the video editor (Bock, 2012, Wallace, 2009, Rintala and Suolanen, 2005, Hemmingway, 2005). However, in Indonesia context, I have observed that not all video journalists do the video editing function to finalize a ready to air product. However, most of VJs do the editing function, at least in terms of short listing and cutting the raw material video which is most possibly used by the video editor. Thus, in this essay, I categorize VJ as a person who does the report and video recording. 

There are three types of VJ in Indonesia: (1) employee, (2) contributor, and (3) stringer (Yulistiawan, 2013, Wahyudi, 2013, Nugraha, 2013, Maulid, 2013). Employees are those who have a full-time contract (with full benefit such as health insurance, marriage financial support, etc.), monthly-paid and fully facilitated by the TV stations. The facility includes camera kit, motorcycle/car, and laptop. Contributors are those who work for certain TV stations and will only be paid if their news product is broadcasted. They do not have access to the benefits provided for VJ with employee status. However, they generally earn much more income to be compared with the employee as their journalistic product is paid relatively high (Maulid, 2013, Nugraha, 2013, Biesman, 2013). Stringers are those who worked for certain contributors and paid by the contributors.

VJ, the result of competition

The emergence of video journalist has an indirect connection with the collapse of Suharto regime and the changing of media culture in Indonesia. It suggests that political change has enabled VJ to flourish. During the Suharto regime, news program on commercial TV stations are strictly regulated (Hollander et al., 2009). The commercial TV stations had had news programs. However, those programs were only covering non-political issues (Wahyudi, 2013). Furthermore, the commercial TV stations were obliged by the Indonesian government to relay news program which was produced by Televisi Republik Indonesia (TVRI), a state-owned TV station. This condition had made news programs on commercial TV stations unattractive for the largest audience, thus hindered the growth of TV news sector business (Kitley, 1994)

Political transitional period in early 1998 had brought a new media culture in which TV stations started to broadcast all kind of news, including political issue which was previously prohibited (Hollander et al., 2009). As a result, news had started to become commercially-attractive. This trend corresponded with the emergence of five new commercial TV stations in early 2000 that also started to produce their own news TV programs. As the competition has intensified, the idea of “faster is better” in the industry has become the norm to win the competition (Yulistiawan, 2013, Biesman, 2013, Maulid, 2013, Nugraha, 2013, Saputro, 2013). And VJ is believed, could answer the challenge.

Without ‘appropriate’ technological support, VJ was introduced

Imam Wahyudi (2013), a former vice editor in chief at RCTI,  said that the concept of VJ has been informally applied in RCTI in the middle of 1990s. It was incidental, he explained, as it was not part of the company’s official agenda. There was only one reporter who could operate camera and function as a VJ. The reporter was assigned to cover an issue as a VJ if there were not any camera person available.

.…[it happened] when camera was very big with weight about 10 – 15 kilograms. There was only one person who could do it…. My reporter (Iwan Malik) was from Surabaya Bureau. I have found out that during his tenure in Surabaya, he used to learn by himself how to operate camera. Therefore, if we did not have enough camera person, I frequently assigned him to bring the camera including HT (handy talkie) for news hunting. At the beginning, it was just in case of an emergency. However, he could do it with passion with an excellent result… The practice was not institutionalized as it was considered too risky. (Wahyudi, 2013)

RCTI officially adopted VJ as a profession in 2001-2002. RCTI’s Journalists were trained and tested to be a VJ. Not all participants became the VJ. At the first batch, there were only four journalists who passed the test and got the VJ certificate. Those with the VJ status were given specific target, thus were also rewarded special allowance (Wahyudi, 2013). Similar with the RCTI case, VJs in its earliest period were mostly based at the main office with the status of an employee. VJs who are not based in the main office are called “contributor” or “stringer”. They do not have employee status, for example, in the case of Metro TV.

Metro TV, an Indonesian first news TV station established in November 2000, started to have VJ in 2002. Until 2004, Metro TV had had five VJs in five regions: Cirebon, West Java; Bandung, West Java; Aceh; Jogjakarta; and Lampung (Nugraha, 2013). During this period VJ was not popular. In Bandung, for example, there were only two VJs, one from Metro TV and another one from TV 7 (Nugraha, 2013). TV stations mostly relied their news supply from outside Jakarta by employing or sending a full team which consisted of a reporter, a camera person, and a driver (and a team of technical support for live report). To ensure the supply of news content from other regions, the commercial TV stations set up news bureau in largest cities, such as, Medan, Bandung, Semarang, Surabaya, and Makassar (Wahyudi, 2013, Nugraha, 2013).

Adwitya Widi Nugraha (2013), a former VJ at Metro TV, explained that as the internet was not as good as today, he used to send the mini-DV cassette from Bandung to main office in Jakarta (the distance is about 200 km) via plane cargo or train. Using this method, the cassette would arrive at main office in two hours (plane) and four hours (train). The remaining commercial TV stations started to adopt VJ into their journalism practice after Indonesian General Election in 2004. Learning from the biggest political event in Indonesia, it has been argued that VJ is the most efficient and effective way to produce a news (Nugraha, 2013)

In Bandung, West Java, since 2004, five commercial TV stations have gradually closed their news representative offices (Nugraha, 2013). The five TV stations: Indosiar, SCTV, RCTI, ANTV, Trans TV replaced their news team in the city by a VJ with contributor status. This trend was adopted nationally. And now, all national TV stations have VJs in their main offices as well as in almost all Indonesian provinces.

The cheaper, the better

Economical motive has been widely argued as the main reason behind the growing number of VJ in Indonesia (Biesman, 2013, Maulid, 2013, Nugraha, 2013, Yulistiawan, 2013). This argument corresponds to the fact that VJ has been widely adopted by Indonesian local TV station with small budget (Biesman, 2013). For example, Elshinta TV (ETV), the first local news TV station in Indonesia which is located in Jakarta in which I began my career as a VJ, has adopted VJ since its day one broadcasting in early 2006. All of their journalists (twelve of them) were VJ. They were trained for two weeks by Indosiar news department (Indosiar is ETV’s parent company). Other local TV stations which also adopted VJ are B-Channel in Jakarta (Yulistiawan, 2013) and STV in Bandung (Biesman, 2013). The different is that, in national TV station, the number of VJ is smaller to be compared with the number of traditional news team. While in local TV station, VJ dominates the composition (Biesman, 2013, Maulid, 2013, Yulistiawan, 2013).

The economical reason can be clearly illuminated based on my own experience. During the Gaza War in late 2008 and early 2009, five Indonesian commercial TV stations sent their VJs to Gaza, in which I was among the VJs. TV One, where I worked, was the only TV station who sent two VJs. Initially, TV One was about to send a reporter and a cameraman. The decision was cancelled and TV One immediately decided to send two reporters who can operate the camera as well. This decision, I argue, was very successful as TV One could have two VJs who could report two different news packages at the same time. This strategy was not only economically more efficient, but also has enabled TV One to win the competition with others Indonesian TV station in reporting the war.

In Indonesia, VJ has also become the best solution to tame Indonesia geographical condition. As the largest archipelagic country in the world, Indonesia has 13,466 islands (Kemenkokesra, 2012) which scattered in three different time zones. It also has 34 provinces and 497 regencies (Faqih and Ahmad, 2013, KPU, 2013). Strategically, it is a lot cheaper, faster and easier to employ a VJ who lived and posted in certain region to report a particular event. Having a full team in a particular region or sending it from main office to the region is a lot more expensive as the management must provide more budgets to support the team. For example, sending a team, which consists of male or female members, could spend a lot more money.

You know, if we send a team which has a female reporter and a male camera person, it means that we have to provide two hotel rooms. (Biesman, 2013)

The peculiarity of VJ in Indonesia is that most of them ride motorcycle to access news sources. Motorcycle itself is widely used in Indonesia (there were 77 million motorcycles in 2012 in Indonesia) as it is considered as the most flexible, fastest, and cheapest vehicle (Sugiyanto et al., 2011, Joewono et al., 2013, Indriastuti and Sulistio, 2010, POLRI, 2013). Motorcycles which are widely used in Indonesia have small engine capacity, from 80 centimeter cubic (cc) to 160 cc and the average consumption for a liter of petrol is between 30 – 60 kilometers (km) (Ahira, 2013)

Traffic problem and lack of road infrastructure were among some other reasons that make motorcycle widely used by VJ. In big cities like Jakarta, Medan, and Surabaya which have massive traffic congestion, motorcycle becomes the best vehicle to escape the problem. In rural area, motorcycle also becomes the solution as it can reach the most remote area with lack or no access road for car. The usage of motorcycle by VJ also has been enabled by the fact that video camera with broadcast standard has become slimmer and lighter.

Conclusion

It has been pointed out that economical, social, cultural, and political aspects were behind the reasons why VJ has been widely adopted in Indonesia. It has been explained that the number of VJ has grown significantly as competition started to intensify in the TV news sector in early 2000s. During the process, economical aspect has become the most dominant factor in promoting the change of TV journalism practice. It has been argued that VJ could save a lot more money as the company needs only to pay one person for (minimum) three jobs: reporting, video recording, and driving. It also saves accommodation and transportation cost (motorcycle is cheaper than car, as well as its petrol consumption). 

The story of RCTI suggests that the concept of VJ was implemented even when the camera was not user-friendly and not as compact as today. The story of Metro TV suggests that internet was not also the main reason why VJ emerged. Both stories imply that that technology was not the main reason behind the emergence of VJ in Indonesia. 

Technology does play its role in enabling VJ to be easily and widely accepted in Indonesia. Camera with broadcast standard has become smaller, lighter, and cheaper. Thus, it has enable journalist to bring camera without great difficulty. VJ now could write script and edit the video with laptop, tablets or mobile phone and send it directly from the location to the main office. However, I would like to emphasize that VJ was embraced because of the need within the news industry itself. Subsequently, “the need” needs technology. Thus, technology has been part of the change through facilitating the work of VJs. Finally, I may conclude that, even without the most recent technology, VJ will always be there.

References

BOCK, M. A. 2012. Citizen video journalists and authority in narrative: Reviving the role of the witness. Journalism, 13, 639-653.

9.23.2013

The Problem of the Global Crisis Reporting

Introduction

The phrase and concept of ‘global crisis reporting’ is very provoking. It enables discussion about our understanding of what ‘global crisis’ and ‘global crisis reporting’ really are. However, to go further, there is a need to firstly answer what is actually meant by the phrase. ‘Global crisis reporting’ merges three different words which have its own meaning: ‘global’, ‘crisis’, and ‘reporting’. Each of those terms needs to be understood in order to understand the larger picture when all of those words are merged and become a phrase. Therefore, based on the marriage of the terms, what actually ‘global crisis reporting’ is. If there is such an idea, then what ‘global crisis’ is? And to better understand what is considered ‘global crisis’, what kind of event that can be categorized as a global crisis therefore enable global crisis reporting to exist?

In this essay, I will elucidate the idea of ‘global crisis’ to answer a question whether ‘global crisis’ does really exist or not. In this regard, I will argue that there is no such thing as ‘global crisis reporting’. What we may understand as a ‘global crisis reporting’ is merely a ‘local crisis reporting’. I mean, what we perceive as a ‘global crisis’ is actually a ‘local crisis’ that is being reported from one particular locality to other localities, or from the local to the local(s).

To elucidate the notion, I will firstly examine the term of ‘global crisis reporting’, word by word, and finally as a phrase. Therefore I will try to answer these questions, such as: what is ‘global’?; what is ‘crisis’?; what is ‘reporting?; what is ‘global crisis? And finally what is ‘global crisis reporting’? Within this context, I will also examine the ethical and moral issues in responding to the mediatized distant suffering; gate-keeping; foreign correspondent; and the idea of objectivity.

Discussion

Understanding the term(s)

Putting forward the term of ‘global’ is impossible without bringing into light the term of ‘local’ because the later would never exist without the former, and vice versa (Robertson, 1995). As a term, global has become a prominent currency, from ‘global vision’ to ‘global brands’ and from ‘global public sphere’ to ‘global village’ (Chan, 2005; Cottle, 2008).

Chan argues that the term of ‘global’ becomes difficult to be defined as it has three characters: (1) the global is always becoming, therefore it suggest the volatility of the global; (2) the global will always be under the influence of the local, as the global can be localized and the local can be globalized, therefore, the boundary between the two becomes blur; (3) the global is the result of the interplay of diverging human activities (Chan, 2005). If the concept of the global is very complex, then what is actually ‘global’ means?

Literally, global is defined as “relating to, or involving the entire world”(Merriam-Webster, 2013); and “relating to the whole world; worldwide (Oxford, 2013b). Therefore, I argue, ‘global’ is something that is related to the ‘world’. Understanding the global is to understand its existence as a world phenomenon that happens everywhere. This understanding is implied in a book written by van Ginneken, entitled; “Understanding Global News: a critical introduction” (1998). In the book, he frequently uses the term of ‘world’ similar to the term of ‘global’. What we can find in the book is not ‘global news’, but ‘world news’. I argue that it also can be applied for ‘global crisis reporting’; therefore, it becomes ‘world crisis reporting’.

Then, what is ‘crisis’? Crisis is defined as “a time of intense difficulty or danger” (Oxford, 2013a). In management, crisis has very broad synonym such as disaster, catastrophe, jolt, problem, threat, and turning point. I also has been defined such as a situation which is harmful, disruptive, high magnitude, sudden, unexpected, acute, and demanding a timely response (Reilly, 1993). In journalism, crisis is an important ingredient for a story as its ‘negativity’ corresponds to the general news framework  (Ginneken, 1998) such as the most referred classical journalistic framework that sees bad news as a good news (Galician & Pasternack, 1987). In journalism, crisis has been continually used to describe wars, riots, terrorism, illnesses, and diseases (Lee & Bottomley, 2010).

If ‘global’ can be synonymised to ‘world’ and ‘crisis’ can be defined as a time of intense difficulty such as war and terrorism, then what ‘global crisis’ is? Simon Cottle defines ‘global crises’ as crises that “encompass or move across geographical terrains and political territories” (2008, p. 2). He also argues that an event needs ‘claim makers’ to be defined as crisis. Furthermore, to be recognized as a global crisis, it needs widespread and intensified media exposure as it is the only way to garner great number of public attention and therefore having wider public endorsement.

Global crisis can be identified from their level and significance of impacts, not only during its occurrence but also its potential severity in the future. Climate change, natural disasters, humanitarian emergencies, human rights, weapons of mass distraction, world poverty, forced migrants, transnational pandemics, and financial meltdown are among the examples that can be categorized as global crises (Lilie Chouliaraki, 2010; Cottle, 2008; Kitch & Hume, 2008; Nash, 2008; Pinchevski & Frosh, 2008).

Based on explanation above, ‘global crisis reporting’ can be understood as mediating a crisis to the global public through intensive mass media coverage in order to achieve public endorsement in enabling it to becoming a globally-perceived crisis. This definition offers notions that crisis will never be perceived as a global crisis without intensive mass media coverage and global public endorsement. It then raises a question whether global crisis is truly out there, or it is just a collection of public endorsement from different localities. In this context, therefore, I will argue that global crisis is a vague conception.

Does ‘global crisis’ really exist?

To become a global crisis, a crisis needs claim maker, intense and wide mass media coverage and some kind of ‘approval’ from the global public. If crisis needs all of those things to be perceived as a global crisis, therefore, I argue that there isn’t any crisis that intrinsically ‘global crisis’.

If we look at carefully to all crises, mostly are embedded to certain localities, such as war, disaster, and famine. There has never been such a global war, global disaster, or global poverty. For examples: The September 11, happened in New York; Tsunami in March 2011 happened in Japan; the Gaza war in 2008-2009 happened in Gaza, Palestine; and the famine in Ethiopia in 1983-1985 happened in Ethiopia. Climate change might be the only crisis that could penetrate the global public consciousness as its symptoms can be experienced everywhere, from Alaska to Patagonia, from Himalaya in Nepal to Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania (Gore, 2006).

Despite its ‘global approval’ and its global identity as reflected by the scientific consensus (Dennis; Oreskes, 2004), the issue of climate change has always been under local constraints. The issue should be understood based on its local context within its political, social, and economical frameworks. This kind of approach that will make us understand why, for example, the US hasn’t ratified Kyoto Protocol. This is what I call by local constraints. In order to make the issue grounded, it should be articulated to its local circumstances.

Questioning spectators’ ethical and moral obligation for the distant others

Global crises can also be understood in relation to the idea of global village in which we are actually destined to be the people of the world, transgressing the boundaries of the nation-state (Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1997). It implies a notion that we are ethically and morally bounded to act and be responsible for the plight of distant others who are directly affected by crises. This kind of approach is suggested by Chouliaraki (2006). She also criticizes pessimistic approaches offered by Baudrillard and Habermas who view the suffering of distant others as merely a spectacle of suffering (L. Chouliaraki, 2008). Based on her theoretical approach, global crisis reporting can be seen as the mediation of moral education in which people have freedom, choices, and abilities to act for the distant others.

However, in this regard, I also prefer to be as pessimistic as Baudrillard and Habermas. Their ideas imply a notion that, no matter what, we actually in totally different circumstances to the distant suffering. They suggest that we are merely spectators. We are bound to our localities; therefore our capacity to respond is limited as we can only watch the spectacle of suffering of distant others. Baudillard sees the mediation as merely an image, whilst Habermas sees the mediation of suffering as a gruesome reality which is, for him, merely a gruesome spectacle. Here are their statements as mentioned in Chouliararki.

…in this Manhattan disaster movie, the two 20th-century elements of mass fascination are intertwined to the greatest degree: the white magic of cinema and the black magic of terror. The white light of the image and the black light of violence. (2008, p. 833)
....though we saw the same thing’, he says, referring to an eyewitness in physical proximity to the World Trade Center, ‘no doubt it [her experience] was something completely different from what I experienced in Germany in front of the television’. (2008, p. 835)

Global crisis reporting may expose us to the idea of global vision in which we are the global citizens who live in this global village. This idea is in line with cosmopolitanism (Ong, 2009). However, I suggest that this idea seems vague as it confronts the fact that we are actually bound to our localities. Questions should be firstly addressed, such as: where do we live, in what country; what we can actually do for the distant others; what about our own direct neighbours; what our priority actually is; and finally what does really matter? What kind of identity that confronts us the most?

During the Gaza war in 2009, I have observed, that in Indonesia there has been a debate whether supporting and donating for people in Palestine is priority or not. This debate occurred as there were still many major problems in Indonesia that were perceived should be firstly prioritized and took into consideration rather than the Palestine issue. It has been argued that Gaza war has attracted international coverage (Orgad, 2011). Despite its globality, when the issue is exported to other localities, it is ruled by the local constraints. This is a process of making sense the foreign occurrence for the local audiences. Within this local context, the perceived crisis should be tested and criticized. Therefore, the notion of [global] morality as Chouliaraki has suggested, could be banal when the suffering of distant others juxtaposed to the suffering of the close others, such as our neighbours or our fellow citizen in our own country. This kind of logic that may explain the US public outrage over the mishandling of Hurricane Katrina juxtaposed to the perceived success of war on terror [in Iraq and Afghanistan] (Katz, 2006).

The critic even becomes much clearer if we take a look at an idea that what we perceive as a crisis is actually socially constructed by the defining role of the media. This kind of process has made some crises to be much more important than the others. It has been argued that there are much more tragic deaths (if we see it as a kind of crisis) that  has been overlooked by the media (Ginneken, 1998). Here, the media is the major player in the process of shaping into being the superiority of a certain crisis over the other crises. In this regard, it also becomes an ethical and moral issues if we, as a global citizen, can easily be compelled to act for the crisis of distant others just because it is reported by the media, while at the same time, there are many crises in our own (closer) neighbourhood that are overlooked just because it doesn’t attract media coverage.

Gatekeeper as crises definer

As a news producer in an Indonesian private news television in 2008-2009, I had had full access to Associated Press (AP), Reuters, and Agence France-Presse (AFP) news wires. Every day I skimmed through the list of news they have. As global media news networks, clearly they try to offer the global perspective into their news, including crisis issues (Ginneken, 1998). Despite the effort, I still need to reshape and rearticulate the news in order to make it fit with Indonesian local audiences because providing the news as it is can dissociate the story to the audiences. This process was very crucial as through this process the local audiences could comprehend what actually the issue was. It was not only involving translation process, but: an adaptation process, which is the most important. For example, during the world financial crisis in 2007-2008, it was difficult to make the news easily understood by Indonesian, as during that time Indonesian economy was doing well. And when the Black Saturday occurred in Australia, I focussed on reporting Indonesian people in Australia who were affected by the disaster. Thus, my experience implies that certain crisis resonates differently in different localities.

In this context, a debate over objectivity and subjectivity in news reporting becomes relevant. If a certain crisis can be interpreted differently by different audiences, what actually objectivity in news reporting is? Van Ginneken argues that the notion of objectivity (or even inter-subjectivity) is always implicitly related to the notion of (an agreement between) relevant audiences. Therefore, what might appear as ‘objectivity’ to Western audiences (all relevant groups agreeing about that point of view), may appear as pure ‘subjectivity’ to non-Western audiences. (Ginneken, 1998, p. 43)

The stark example can be examined during the coverage of 9/11. While generally the event was seen as a bleak tragedy, in contrast, some people in Palestine were reported celebrating the event as if it was a good news for them (Fahmy, Sooyoung, Wanta, & Yonghoi, 2006; Matar, 2006; News, 2001). This phenomenon can only be better understood if we look at the news through the local and broader perspective in which the hatred of Palestinian towards the US, as the strong alliance of Israel, was very intense during the second Intifada. In this kind of situation journalist has the ability to making sense an issue that may be understood differently by distant others. As it has been argued that, making sense of the news story is a complex social, familial and political activity, and understanding it requires taking into account the historical, social and political contexts surrounding such events. (Matar, 2006, p. 1040)

In relation to that, foreign correspondence becomes crucial to be discussed. Basically, foreign correspondents are assigned to report events from certain countries for their home countries audiences. Therefore, foreign correspondents have the full authority to assess and reconstruct an event based on to what they may perceive as the most suitable frame for their home audiences. As, a German journalist, Cornelia Fuch says:

…you can read American newspapers from Germany but that doesn’t mean that you understand what the Tea Party is all about, you know? Because the newspapers in New York or Washington write for American audiences, and American audiences know about a lot of things that German audiences have never heard about. (Archetti, 2013, p. 431)
There are pessimistic views about the future of foreign correspondents. Their arguments rely to at least two major reasons: the fact that information and telecommunication technology has made global communication easier, faster, and cheaper; and the fact that having foreign correspondents is very expensive and redundant. However, it has been argued that despite all of those challenges, foreign correspondent is still needed and even has brighter future (Archetti, 2013). If a crisis as a distant event can be instantly understood globally without mediatized, then why foreign correspondent is still needed?

Conclusion

What I want to put forward here is an idea that a crisis has always been mediatized by journalist. As a result, I argue, there is no single event in this world that can be seen as a same crisis to different audiences (in different localities, countries, etc.). Therefore, what we understand as ‘global crisis reporting’ is actually about a certain local crisis which is reported for other local audiences. The ethical and moral aspects in acting for the distant others also become invalid as it is paralysed by the local constraints.

I also suggest that the more a crisis is reported to many other localities, the more it will be perceived as a global crisis. However, I want to again reiterate that there isn’t such ‘global crisis’ but ‘local crisis’. Therefore, instead of using ‘global crisis reporting’, I suggest, it might also be best to use ‘crisis reporting’, as I may argue that the only global crisis would be: the doomsday (if we believe it will happen).

References